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Freedom in the World - Morocco (2004)

Political Rights: 5
Civil Liberties: 5
Status: Partly Free
Population: 30,400,000
GNI/Capita: $1,190
Life Expectancy: 70
Religious Groups: Muslim (98.7 percent), Christian (1.1 percent), Jewish (0.2 percent)
Ethnic Groups: Arab-Berber (99 percent), other (1 percent)
Capital: Rabat

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Overview

Shaken by five simultaneous suicide bombings on May 16, 2003 that left 45 dead and nearly 100 injured, Morocco has engaged in a security crackdown that has prompted criticism from press freedom and human rights organizations. A new antiterrorism law that erodes human rights protections and increased reports of torture have raised significant concerns. Meanwhile, the Islamists are on the defensive, downplaying their political ambitions during the September 12 municipal elections. King Muhammad VI proposed significant reform of the Mudawana, Morocco's personal status code, which would grant broad new rights to women if passed by parliament.

Moroccan independence dates to 1956, when power passed to King Muhammad V following 44 years of French colonial rule. King Hassan II ascended the throne five years later on the death of his father. In 1975, Morocco laid claim to the Western Sahara following the withdrawal of Spanish forces from the territory. The status of the territory remains in dispute. Hassan II oversaw much of Morocco's modern development; however, despite Hassan's gestures at establishing a constitutional monarchy, power remained concentrated entirely in the hands of the king. The country's stability was shaken during the early 1970s, when two assassination attempts on the king were thwarted. King Hassan embarked on a slow path toward political reform in the 1990s. In 1996, the king established a directly elected lower house of parliament via a constitutional amendment. Hassan also moved to improve the human rights situation and modestly expand political freedoms.

At age 35, King Muhammad VI came to power in July 1999 after the death of his father. While Morocco had made tentative steps toward political and economic liberalization, Muhammad inherited a country with severe social and economic problems. More than 20 percent of the population was unemployed, nearly half remained illiterate, and a third lived below the poverty line. Mounting public debt impinged on the government's ability to provide social services. Islamist charitable networks quickly filled the gap, providing services and gaining support at the grassroots level.

King Muhammad has continued to pursue political opening, although at a measured pace. Soon after he ascended the throne, the young king distinguished himself through a series of bold maneuvers. One of his first acts was to dismiss Driss Basri, long considered one of the most powerful men in Morocco and, in many ways, the embodiment of corruption and repression that marked the monarchy. Thousands of prisoners were released, and the king allowed exile opposition figures to return to Morocco.

In 2002, Morocco held parliamentary elections that were widely considered to be the most representative in the country's history. While the vote did not alter the fundamental distribution of power in Morocco, the resulting diversity in parliament – with 10 percent women and a significant Islamist presence – constituted an important step toward greater political openness.

Five suicide bombings in May 2003 shattered Morocco's sense of stability. Arrests of Islamic extremists, including three Saudi members of al-Qaeda, had taken place during 2002, but the terrorist attack signaled a new and disturbing escalation in terrorist activity. Victims were primarily Moroccans, and the targets included visible symbols of Morocco's Jewish community. While Moroccan officials initially blamed foreign extremists, the 14 attackers were Moroccan and believed to be part of a local extremist group identified as As-Sirat al-Mustaqim, the Righteous Path. The group is based in the slums of Casablanca and could be responsible for a series of assassinations of "unbelievers" from the neighborhood. However, the attackers may have received external funding and training. The extremists' links to al-Qaeda remain unclear; in an audiotape purportedly made by Osama bin Laden in 2002, Morocco was listed among countries "ready for liberation."

The Moroccan government's response to the attacks has been both swift and harsh. Approximately 1,100 terrorism suspects were arrested in the ensuing crackdown. The courts have sentenced more than 50 people to life in prison and 16 people to death. Meanwhile, the Moroccan Human Rights Association has said that the trials appear to be seriously flawed. Few witnesses are called, and acquittals are rare.

Municipal elections were held on September 12; the government postponed the elections from June in the wake of the May suicide bombings. The Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD) made a conscious decision to lower its profile and run fewer candidates in the local election. Although the PJD denounced the terrorist bombings, the party has found itself under fire in a political atmosphere that is less tolerant of Islamists. As a result, the PJD ran for only 18 percent of the council seats contested, including the Islamist stronghold of Casablanca and the key cities of Fez and Rabat. The Islamist party put up only 3 percent of all candidates. Under pressure from the government, the Islamist party opted to step down rather than risk a greater government crackdown. Yet, the two principal secular parties – the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP) and the Istiqlal – failed to capitalize on the Islamists' absence, despite running candidates in nearly every jurisdiction. Neither party was able to capture the town halls of Casablanca, Marrakesh, or Tangiers.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

Moroccans' right to change their government democratically is limited. The monarch retains ultimate authority. He may appoint or approve the government and can, at his discretion, dismiss any member of the cabinet, dissolve parliament, call for new elections, and rule by decree. Legislative powers are shared by the king and a bicameral legislature that includes a directly elected lower house. Unlike previous votes, the 2002 parliamentary elections and the 2003 municipal elections were regarded as the most representative in the country's history.

Opposition parties remain weak. The government crackdown on Islamic extremists clearly has deterred moderate Islamist elements from political participation, as witnessed by their decision to roll back dramatically their presence in the local elections. Secular opposition parties have yet to make significant inroads at the grassroots level, nor have they found common cause with the Islamists who have pushed for greater reforms.

Press freedoms remain somewhat restricted. Broadcast media are mostly government controlled and largely reflect official views, although foreign broadcasting is available via satellite. The Committee to Protect Journalists noted a disturbing trend toward censorship with the Moroccan print media. Since May, eight Moroccan journalists have been detained in connection with their work and five remain in jail. The journalists were convicted on charges of "insulting the king" and undermining the monarchy. Prison sentences range from 18 months to three years. Meanwhile, publication of two Casablanca-based satirical weeklies has been suspended. The deterioration in press freedoms appears to be a result of the government crackdown following the May bombings. An antiterrorism law passed soon after the attacks has been used repeatedly to detain reporters.

Islam is the official religion of Morocco, and almost 99 percent of the population is Sunni Muslim. Morocco's Jewish community, while quite small (approximately 5,000), has been able to worship freely. However, in 2003 a disturbing trend of attacks on the Jewish community became apparent. Aside from the May bombings, where four out of the five sites were Jewish or had Jewish connections, a Jewish merchant was assassinated in Casablanca on September 11.

Freedom of association is limited. Nongovernment organizations must receive government permission to operate legally. The Interior Ministry requires permits for public gatherings and has forcibly dispersed demonstrations in the past. However, peaceful protests are generally tolerated.

The judiciary lacks independence and is subject to corruption and bribery. Days after the May bombings, parliament adopted a tough anti-terrorism law that allows terror suspects to be held up to 12 days without being charged; the law also broadens the definition of terrorism and expands the number of crimes punishable by death. Amnesty International says the practice of torture has widened in Morocco as part of the antiterrorism campaign. Some terror suspects interviewed by Amnesty told of being held for weeks in secret detention and subject to various forms of torture. Human rights groups have also criticized the trials of terror suspects that often last only two or three days. Many suspects are convicted on the basis of their statements to police without any material proof of their guilt. Among those convicted are 14-year-old twins who were sentenced to five years in prison for plotting to blow up the liquor aisle of a supermarket.

While Moroccan women are guaranteed equal rights under the constitution, the reality in both the political and social spheres has been one of marked inequality. However, in October 2003, King Muhammad VI proposed far-reaching reforms of Morocco's personal status code. The changes include raising the marriage age from 15 to 18 for women and allowing women the right to initiate divorce. The reforms would also make polygamy quite difficult and, in general, cede greater rights to women in the areas of marriage and divorce. The reforms still need to be approved by parliament. Similar changes were proposed for the Mudawana in 2000, but met with stiff opposition from the Islamists. King Muhammad appears to be taking advantage of the Islamists' defensive posture to push through these significant reforms. Many women pursue careers in the professions or in government, but they face restrictions in advancement. Domestic violence is common, and the law is lenient toward men who kill their wives for alleged adultery.

Topics: Human rights,