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Title Ghana: Presence of cults or sects and consequences for refusing to join a cult; government attitude or response towards cults and/or any abuses committed by sect members (2004-2006)
Publisher Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada
Country Ghana
Publication Date 11 October 2006
Citation / Document Symbol GHA101612.E
Reference 7
Cite as Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ghana: Presence of cults or sects and consequences for refusing to join a cult; government attitude or response towards cults and/or any abuses committed by sect members (2004-2006), 11 October 2006, GHA101612.E, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/45f1473811.html [accessed 3 June 2012]
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Ghana: Presence of cults or sects and consequences for refusing to join a cult; government attitude or response towards cults and/or any abuses committed by sect members (2004-2006)

An article in The Ghanaian Chronicle states that "[m]ost Ghanaians believe in juju (fetish), ghosts, black magic and evil spirits and will seek help from fetish priests or other spiritual specialists in their locality" (15 Dec. 2005). However, the article adds, "believing is not the same as practicing, and many Ghanaians abhor shrines, fetishism and those involved in black magic" (The Ghanaian Chronicle 15 Dec. 2005). The article goes on to explain that shrines are considered "sacred places of worship" (ibid.). Shrines are used during special ceremonies to offer sacrifices to the gods and ancestors and some people will visit shrines to ask for an abundant harvest and protection of their village (ibid.). The International Religious Freedom Report 2005 also indicates that, in certain areas in Ghana, many believe in witchcraft (US 8 Nov. 2005, Sec. I).

The International Religious Freedom Report 2005 states that traditional indigenous religions in Ghana believe in a "Supreme Being" which can vary from one ethnic group to another (US 8 Nov. 2005, Sec. I). For example, the Akan ethnic group refer to their Supreme Being as Nyame while the Ewe call theirs Mawu (ibid.; Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices 2006, 411). The Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices refers to such religious beliefs as African traditional religion (ATR) (ibid.). Ancestors are deeply respected as they are considered to be "intermediaries between the Supreme Being and human beings" (US 8 Nov. 2005, Sec. I; see also Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices 2006, 411). Annual festivities vary according to the ethnic group: the Akan people celebrate Odwira, the Ga-Adangbe group celebrate Homowo and the Efutu people refer to their festivity as Aboakyir (ibid.).

In correspondence dated 1 August 2006, an associate professor of Anthropology at York University in Toronto who has conducted field research in Ghana, including observing various rituals performed in Ghana, provided the following information to the Research Directorate:

All the peoples of Ghana have been exposed to (various) Christian and Islamic influences for hundreds of years of recorded history; however, in addition, preceding and complementing those influences, are the hosts of "spirits" and priests and shrines of "traditional" religion (all still alive and well in modern Ghana because people believe their prayers are indeed answered by traditional "powers"). These traditional spiritual forces include:

(a) the ancestors of each specific lineage or clan: these are considered to still exercise an interest in rewarding and punishing the behaviours of present-day living members of that kinship group;

(b) the "fetishes," i.e. the gods or the children of the High God (Nyame, for the Akan) these are vital, they do get involved in everyday problems, whereas the High God, as in much of west Africa, once having created the world ... does not usually get directly involved in everyday life, though prayers can be said to Him. [S]o each of the many fetishes spread throughout Ghana has its various shrines where sacrifices and prayers are performed (for healing, for successful childbirth, etc.), has its priests (and priestesses) who conduct the sacrifices, who may commune with the spirit world through shamanic trance-dancing, who may also possess an effective knowledge about local medicinal plants and their uses, etc. there is a national association of traditional healers: they are not opposed by the State. [O]n the contrary, the Ghanaian State, following the [World Health Organization]'s policies, has supported the presence and "professional development" of fetish priests/shamans; and

(c) "objects of power" or "juju", i.e. physical objects which are believed to contain/embody a spiritual power, protective of and for its owner(s). [I]mportantly, some of these "objects" may over time gain a wider reputation for healing efficacy, for protection against witches, etc., and some indeed later become recognized and accepted as "gods" or fetishes. Many practicing Christians ([with the exception of] the newer Pentecostal churches) nevertheless ... also appeal to traditional spiritual powers at crisis points in their own life. [F]or many in Ghana, religious affiliation is complementary, not exclusive (so, [for example], a person turning down a chiefship or a priestship, even if they themsel[ves] may be Christian, nevertheless is likely to have some fear of divine punishment from the ancestors and/or from gods or a particular god, a punishment likely to be believed by the wider public to put them at risk too). As indicated, traditional religion and traditional chiefship have mutual interests and supporting roles; and again, the role and community role of both, has recognition and support (not opposition) from the State.

Every hamlet, village, clan, town, people, region has its panoply of numerous gods, some of whom are viewed as particular to the ethnic community, some of which have a pan-group, much wider reputation and followership throughout Ghana.... [O]n occasion, "new" gods/fetishes reveal themselves to a community, or may be imported from outside Ghana it is a dynamic spiritual landscape. Some of these fetishes/gods may specialize in healing a particular problem (e.g., impotence or barrenness) or may be seen as particularly good at protecting people against witches, or at spiritually "killing" witches threatening the particular community (hence, Nana [Chief] Tigare, Nana Kunde, etc.). [S]ome are widely venerated for the breadth of efficacy they have demonstrated over time (e.g., Nana Brukum, Nana Krachi-Dente, etc.). These gods, all of them, offer helpful explanations to their followers or supplicants, they can do what Western "scientific" medicine is not good at traditional powers can name and explain exactly why that specific misfortune is afflicting you or your family or clan at this time and in this way, and what steps you can take to secure "healing" and/or reassurance, etc. There are hundreds of such gods and powers; it is not possible to give a full listing for any particular area. [T]hey are everywhere, and are used because they are felt to work.

With regards to the government's attitude toward cults or sects, the associate professor added:

I've touched on this above. The Ghanaian government recognizes and "accepts" the overwhelming continuance of its citizens' use of "traditional religion". And not just as a "privacy" matter of the individual's faith, but also because the State itself benefits from such traditional practices in at least two ways:

(a) it is not unknown for national politicians to seek the blessings and support of particular deities (e.g., at election times), to help solidify their credentials with potential voters;

(b) the Ghanaian State actively supports and encourages traditional chiefs and traditional priests in performing "traditional" public ceremonies as part of the State's encouragement of Ghana's international tourism industry: the State advertises and promotes tour groups to visit and to participate in (and to spend money at) a variety of regional gods' annual festivals (e.g., Cape Coast's Fetu Afahye) as part of the State's presentation of "Ghanaian culture" on the international scene. In short, the Ghanaian State generally supports expressions of traditional belief and practice ...

... the bottom line is that huge numbers of citizens and the Government have accepted and have an interest in supporting the continuance of such beliefs and rituals there's a lot at stake. [I]f there were ever to be a local case of priestly misbehaviour, say, the local population already have several ways of seeking relief therefrom: they can go to the local police; they can sue; they can stop going to and stop contributing to that particular shrine's organization; they can seek the help of other competing shamans/priests/gods to cause a spiritual punishment on the erring person (through causing their illness, say, or to frustrate their plans, etc. the erring person would expect some such action for retribution to take place, thus there already is a set of checks and balances in the belief system).

In response to questions regarding how an individual would join a cult or sect, the Associate Professor provided the following information in correspondence dated 1 August 2006:

As indicated, traditional beliefs in ancestors and gods/fetishes are widespread and may be found among all classes too, including the educated and "Christian" elites. The term "cult" is not helpful in capturing the social acceptance, historical presence, and [perceived] efficacy of such powers. In general, at the local level (a village, a clan, etc.), there are several ways of affiliating with a particular fetish and its organization: one is by family custom, just as some people here are familially Baptists or Catholics; one is by being a member of the group "owning" a particular deity and/or being responsible for its local shrine (thus, it's a "family business" in a sense thankful believers and supplicants may give thanks-offerings to the shrine-organization for answered prayer, as well as giving a real economic boost to the local community's businesses, beer-sellers, lodging-owners, etc. who benefit from the hundreds or indeed sometimes the thousands of people turning up for a particular god's annual festival). [S]omeone turning down a priestship when so much economically is at stake for the local community, is not going to be welcome[d]. [A]nother way [of affiliating with a particular fetish] is simply turning up as a member of the "congregation" at a time of prayer and sacrifice. [A]nother is one's taking seriously ill and being healed by prayers to a specific deity that may be taken to indicate you should remain a member of the believers in that god. [A]nother is the common mode, [the belief] that one has been born (returned) into this life thanks to successful prayers to god/shrine x or y or z, and thus are expected to "serve" that god as a believer. [A]nother is that one takes seriously ill, is healed, but divination reveals that your illness is a sign that a particular god is "calling" you to be one of his priests, etc. So, there are different modalities and degrees of "joining", and [joining is] not always exclusive (one might also be a practicing Anglican, etc.).

Consequences for refusing to join a "cult"

Regarding the consequences for refusing to join a "cult", the Associate Professor also added the following in correspondence dated 2 August 2006:

As I indicated, if it were a matter of an important Chiefship, or a significant Priestship, then social pressures would be very strong on that person to take on and perform their duty in that position. However, if it's a matter of one's being just an "ordinary" member, the social pressure cannot, in my opinion, be so overwhelming. It is true that if one is living in a small village, then everyday social pressures by one's fellow villagers on you to "conform" to their expectations (and not just regarding a particular religious belief) may well be strong and censorious. Similarly, if one is someone whose very birth owes its origin and success to your parent(s) having originally sought the fertility-help of a particular god/shrine, and them having "promised" you to the god, that you would be a follower for the rest of one's life. [T]hen again, some strong familial pressures may pertain, and may particularly be brought to your mind by any later illness, misfortune or lack of success [in] your life experiences: a diviner may then explain such by reminding you to "return" to belief/followership regarding that god/shrine. [I]f of course, no such illness/misfortune afflicted you in your life, then you might well carry on as an "unbeliever" in daily life.

But otherwise, and even so, the word "cult" is not a helpful word to use. [T]o most North Americans, to call something a "cult" suggests that

(a) it is a marginal belief system;

(b) it is an erroneous belief system;

(c) that you are in danger of being "trapped" in it, unable to "break away", losing everything to the benefit of the cult;

(d) you have been/are continuing to be "brainwashed", so your membership is "unthinking" and rigidly exclusive of all other attachments.

But such notions about "cult" do not, [I] repeat, do not, generally apply to the fetish/god congregations throughout Ghana. As I indicated, belief in the fetishes/gods (obosom/abosom) in Ghana is very widespread, has great community acceptance (including by the State), has great recorded time-depth in the historical records, and in general is not rigidly exclusive in its requirements. [M]ost Ghanaians in my experience, even among Christians and Muslims, do privately recognize/accept some merit and reality/"truth"/efficacy in traditional religion (the clear exception are most ... members of the recent upsurge of Charismatic/Pentecostal churches which actively preach against "fetishes"; but mainstream churches, such as Anglican, Catholic, Presbyterian, etc. do often have accommodations to traditional practices, even some brought into their own services).

For most, "faith" is not "exclusive"; it is acceptable and common for someone to believe in/follow several or a host of traditional powers/fetishes/gods (plus the same person may also practice some Christian beliefs/rituals). [F]or most "traditionalists", they are not "locked-into" following/believing in only one god, though they may have a preference or their adherence may shift depending on the nature of the ... problem they may be facing at the time (as some fetishes have their own special[ties] and reputations for being effective for x, y or z, but less so for issue a or b); nor are people physically "forced" into adherence. Rather, much would adepend on the particular person and their particular issue, specifically, do they feel mentally able to put up with any psychological stressors or worries over whether someone (a particular priest, say) may work "witchcraft" against them for their perceived failure to do what is desired, or not. That itself would be subject to that same person's opportunity to seek help/intervention from a yet more powerful shaman/priest/god against the designs of the one feared about ... (2 Aug. 2006).

Corroborating information on this subject could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate.

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim for refugee protection. Please find below the list of additional sources consulted in researching this Information Request.

References

Associate professor of Anthropology, York University, Toronto. 2 August 2006. Correspondence.
_____. 1 August 2006. Correspondence.

The Ghanaian Chronicle [Accra]. 15 December 2005. Lovelace Opoku-Agyemang. "The Significance of Ghanaian Cultural Heritage." (Factiva)

United States (US). 8 November 2005. Department of State. "Ghana." International Religious Freedom Report 2005. <http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2005/51475.htm> [Accessed 24 July 2006]

Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices. 2006. Vol. 2. "Ghana." Edited by Thomas Riggs. Farmington Hills, MI: Thomson Gale.

Additional Sources Consulted

Oral sources: A lecturer from the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London, a professor from Camosun College in British Columbia, a professor at the University of Toronto, a professor from York University, two professors from Indiana University, a professor from the University of Illinois, one professor from the University of Pennsylvania and two professors from the University of Ghana did not provide information within the time constraints of this Response.

The African Studies Centre at the University of Cambridge and two professors from the University of Pennsylvania did not have information on the subject.

Attempts to contact the African Commission of Health and Human Rights Promoters were unsuccessful.

Publications: Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices.

Internet sites, including: Accra Daily Mail, Afrikan Renaissance Mission, Afrikania Mission, Amnesty International, Christian Solidarity Worldwide, Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice Ghana, European Country of Origin Information Network, Factiva, Forum 18, Freedom House, GhanaMissions, Ghana Review International, GhanaHomePage, The Ghanaian Chronicle, Human Rights Watch, Integrated Regional Information Networks, Jeuneafrique.com, National Commission on Culture [Ghana], Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, World News Connection.

Copyright notice: This document is published with the permission of the copyright holder and producer Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB). The original version of this document may be found on the offical website of the IRB at http://www.irb-cisr.gc.ca/en/. Documents earlier than 2003 may be found only on Refworld.

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